Principal The Travels of Ibn Battuta: in the Near East, Asia and Africa, 1325–1354
The Travels of Ibn Battuta: in the Near East, Asia and Africa, 1325–1354Ibn Battuta, Samuel Lee
The Arab equivalent of Marco Polo, Sheikh Ibn Battuta (1304-77) set out as a young man on a pilgrimage to Mecca that ended 27 years and 75,000 miles later.
The only medieval traveler known to have visited the lands of every Muslim ruler of his time, Ibn Battuta was born into a family of highly respected religious judges and educated as a theologian. Leaving his native city of Tangier in 1326, he traveled — over the next several years — to East Africa, Byzantium, Iraq, southern Russia, India, Ceylon, and China. His account of the journey, dictated on his return, not only provides vivid accounts of an odyssey that took him to exotic lands, but also describes in great detail Muslim maritime activities in the Middle and Far East, fascinating elements of foreign architecture, and agricultural activities of diverse cultures.
A rare and important work covering the geography and history of the medieval Arab world, this primary sourcebook will be welcomed by students and scholars for its inherent historical value.
The only medieval traveler known to have visited the lands of every Muslim ruler of his time, Ibn Battuta was born into a family of highly respected religious judges and educated as a theologian. Leaving his native city of Tangier in 1326, he traveled — over the next several years — to East Africa, Byzantium, Iraq, southern Russia, India, Ceylon, and China. His account of the journey, dictated on his return, not only provides vivid accounts of an odyssey that took him to exotic lands, but also describes in great detail Muslim maritime activities in the Middle and Far East, fascinating elements of foreign architecture, and agricultural activities of diverse cultures.
A rare and important work covering the geography and history of the medieval Arab world, this primary sourcebook will be welcomed by students and scholars for its inherent historical value.
You may be interested in
Most frequently terms
CHAPTER II. Alexandria—Tarūja—Damanhūr—Fawwah—Fāriskūr—Ashmūn El Rommān—Samanūd—Caïro. ONE of the greatest saints in Alexandria, at this time, was the learned and pious Imām, Borhāna Oddīn El Aaraj, a man who had the power of working miracles.1 I one day went in to him, when he said, I perceive that you are fond of travelling into various countries. I said yes; although I had at that time no intention of travelling into very distant parts. He replied, you must visit my brother bFarīd Oddīn in India, and my brother cRokn Oddīn Ibn Zakaryā in Sindia, and also my brother Borhān Oddīn in China : and, when you see them, present my compliments to them. I was astonished at what he said, and determined with myself to visit those countries : nor did I give up my purpose till I had met all the three mentioned by him, and presented his compliments to them. [image: image] Another singular man was the dSheikh Yākūt, the Abyssinian, disciple of the Sheikh eAbu Abbās El Mursī. This Abu Abbās was the disciple of the servant of God, fAbu El Hasan El Shādalī, &c. author of the gHizb El Bahr,2 famous for his piety and miracles. I was told by the Sheikh Yākūt, from his preceptor Abu El Abbās El Mursī, that the Sheikh Abu El Hasan El Shādhalī performed the pilgrimage annually, making his way through Upper Egypt, and passing over to Mecca, in the month of Rejeb, and so remaining there till the conclusion of the pilgrimage : that he visited the holy tomb, and returned by the hgreat passage to his city. On one of these occasions, and which happened to be the last, he said to his servant, Get together an axe, a casket, and some spice, and whatever is necessary for the interment of a dead body. The servant replied: and why, Sir, should I do this? He rejoined, you shall see iHomaitara. Now Homaitara is situated in Upper Egypt; it is a stage in the great desert of kAidhāb, in which there is a well of very pernicious and poisonous water. When he had got to Homaitara the Sheikh bathed himself, and had performed two of the prostrations of his prayers, when he died: he was then buried there. Ibn Batūta states that he visited the tomb, and saw upon it an inscription tracing his pedigree up to Hosain the son of Ali. [image: image] I heard, continues the Traveller, in Alexandria, by the lSheikh El Sālih El Aābid3 El Munfik, of the character of Abu Abd Allah El Murshidī, and that he was one of the great interpreting saints4 secluded in the Minyat of Ibn Murshed : and that he had there a cell, but was without either servant or companion. Here he was daily visited by emirs, viziers, and crowds of other people, whose principal object it was to eat with him. He accordingly gave them food, such as they severally wished to have, of victuals, fruit, or sweetmeats : a circumstance which has seldom taken place in any days but his. To him also do the learned come for patents of office, or dismissal. These were his constant and well-known practices. The Sultan of Egypt too, El Malik El Nāsir, often visited him in his cell. I then left Alexandria (says the Traveller) with the intention of visiting this Sheikh (may God bless him), and got to the village of mTarūja, then to the city of nDamanhūr the metropolis of the Delta; then to oFawwah not far from which is the cell of the Sheikh Abu Abd Allah El Murshidī. I went to it and entered, when the Sheikh arose and embraced me. He then brought out victuals and ate with me. After this I slept upon the roof of his cell, and saw in a dream the same night, myself placed on the wings of a great bird, which fled away with me towards the temple at Mecca. He then verged towards Yemen ; then towards the east: he then took his course to the south. After this he went far away into the east, and alighted with me safely in the regions of darkness (or arctic regions), where he left me. [image: image] I was astonished at this vision, and said to myself, no doubt the Sheikh will interpret it for me, for he is said to do things of this sort. When the morning had arrived, and I was about to perform my devotions, the Sheikh made me officiate ; after this, his usual visitors, consisting of emirs, viziers, and others, made their calls upon him, and took their leave, after each had received a small cake from him. When the prayer at noon was over he called me, I then told him my dream, and he interpreted it for me. He said, you will perform the pilgrimage, and visit the tomb of the Prophet; you will then traverse the countries of Yemen, pIrak, qTurkey, and rIndia, and will remain in these some time. In India you will meet with my brother sDilshād, who will save you from a calamity, into which you will happen to fall. He then provided me with some dried cakes and some dirhems, and I bade him farewell. Since I left him, I experienced nothing but good fortune in my travels; but never met with a person like him, except my Lord tEl Walī Mohammed El Mowwalla, in India. I next came to the city of uE1 Nahrāriat, then to xE1 Mohalla El Kobra (or the great station), from this I went to yEl Barlas, then to zDamietta, in which is the cell of the Sheikh aJamāl Oddīn El Sāwī, leader of the sect called bKarenders.5 These are they who shave their chins and eyebrows. [image: image] It is said, that the reason which induced the Sheikh to shave off his beard and eyebrows was the following. He was a well made and handsome man; one of the women of cSāwah consequently fell in love with him; after this she was constantly sending to the Sheikh, presenting herself to him in the street, and otherwise soliciting his society : this he completely resisted. When she was tired of this, she suborned an old woman to stop him on his way to the mosque, with a sealed letter in her hand. When the Sheikh passed by her she said, Good Sir, can you read? Yes, he replied. She said, this letter has been sent to me by my son ; I wish you would read it for me. He answered, I will. But when she had opened the letter she said, Good Sir, my son has a wife who is in yonder house ; could I beg the favour of your reading the letter at the door, so that she may hear? To this he also assented; but, when he had got through the first door, the old woman closed it, and out came the woman with her slaves, and hung about him. They then took him into an inner apartment, and the mistress began to take liberties with him. When the Sheikh saw that there was no escaping, he said, I will do what you like : shew me a sleeping room. This she did : he then took in with him some water and a razor which he had, and shaved off his beard and both his eyebrows. He then presented himself to the woman, who, detesting both his person and his deed, ordered him to be driven out of the house. Thus, by divine providence, was his chastity preserved. This appearance he retained ever after; and every one who embraced his opinions also submitted to the shaving off of his beard and both his eyebrows.6 [image: image] It is also said of the Sheikh Jamāl Oddīn, that after he had gone to Damietta, he constantly attended the burial-grounds of that place. There was at that time in Damietta a judge, known by the surname of Ibn Omaid, who, attending one day at the funeral of one of the nobles, saw the Sheikh in the burial-ground, and said to him, you are a beastly old fellow. He replied, And you are a foolish judge, who can pass with your beast among the tombs, and know at the same time, that the respect due to a dead man, is just as great as that due to a living one. The judge replied, worse than this is your shaving off your beard.7 The Sheikh said, mark me : he then rubbed a little alkohol on his eye-brows, and lifting up his head, presented a great black beard, which very much astonished the judge and those with him, so that the judge descended from his mule.8 The Sheikh applied the alkohol the second time, and, lifting up his head, exhibited a beautiful white beard. He then applied the alkohol the third time ; and, when he lifted up his head, his face was beardless as before. The judge then kissed his hand, became his disciple, and building a handsome cell for him, became his companion for the rest of his life. After a while the Sheikh died, and was buried in the cell; and when the judge died, he was buried, as it had been expressed in his will, in the door-way of the cell, so that every one who should visit the tomb of the Sheikh, would have to pass over his grave. I then proceeded from this place to the city of dFāriskūr, then to eAshmūn El Rommān, then to the city of fSamānūd, then to gMisr (Caïro), the principal city of its district. The Nile, which runs through this country, excels all other rivers in the sweetness of its taste,9 the extent of its progress, and the greatness of the benefits it confers. It is one of the five great rivers of the world, which are, itself, the hEuphrates, the iTigris, the kSīhūn, the lJaihūn (or Gihon). Five other rivers too may be compared with them, namely, the river of mSindia, which is called then Panj āb (or five waters); the river of India, which is called the oGung (or Ganges), to which the Indians perform their pilgrimages, and into which they throw the ashes of their dead when burnt: they say it descends from Paradise; also the river pJūn (or Jumna): the river qAthil (Volga) in the desert of rKifjāk, and the river sSarv in Tartary, upon the bank of which is the city of tKhān Bālik,10 and which flows from that place to uE1 Khansā, and thence to the city of vZaitūn in China, of which we shall give accounts in their proper places. The course of the Nile, moreover, is in a direction from the south to the north, contrary to that of all other rivers. When I entered Egypt the reigning prince was wE1 Malik El Nāsir Mohammed Ibn El Malik El Mansūr Kālāwūn.11 The learned men then in Egypt were, xShams Oddīn El Isphahānī,§ the first man in the world in metaphysics; yRokn Oddīn Ibn El Karīa, one of the leaders in the same science:12 and the Sheikh sAthīr Oddīn Abu Haiān of Granada, the greatest grammarian.13 [image: image] 1 It is generally believed among the Mohammedans, that every saint has it in his power to perform miracles without laying claim to the office of a prophet. This kind of miracle they term karāmet [image: image], benevolent action. See my Controversial Tracts on Christianity and Mohammedanism, p. 2, 352, &c. * The title of Wali [image: image] seems to be applied to none but such as have attained to the very last degree of mystic excellence. Jāmi tells us in the first chapter of the [image: image], that the appropriation of this title belongs to those only, who have arrived at the last stage of mysticism, and may be said to be annihilated in the divine essence. [image: image] [image: image] [image: image], &c. where also several other definitions, all tending to the same point, are adduced. In the chapter [image: image] given a little farther on, we have the different degrees of these worthies pointed out. In the first volume of M. de Sacy’s Chrestomathie Arabe (2d edit. p. 481), we have an account of the death of this Sheikh, taken from, the Jahān Namā, a little different from this: and, what is the most curious part of it, the discovery of coffee is attributed to a communication made by him after his death to one of his disciples. Works by this Sheikh are to be found in the libraries of both Cambridge and Oxford : but they appear to be of no great use. 2 In a bibliographical work entitled the [image: image] preserved in Mr. Burckhardt’s collection, we have, under the word, [image: image] [image: image]: the Hizb El Bahr by the Sheikh Abu’l Hasan El Shādhalī El Jemenī. ‡ On this place see the “Index Geographicus in vitam Saladini” by Schultens under the word AIDABUM, and Burckhardt’s Travels in Nubia, Appendix III. p. 519. 3 This word designates an order of the religious, whose business, according to Jāmi in the [image: image], is to attend constantly on the service of God, particularly on works of supererogation with a view to their final reward, while a complete Sūfī follows truth, purely from the love of it; his words are: [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] 4 [image: image] These seem to be nothing more than perpetuators of the ancient practices of divining mentioned so often in the Hebrew Bible. The influence these impostors still possess in the East is very great, as may be collected from the text in this place. It may not be uninteresting to the student of the Hebrew to find, that we have here the very word which is used to designate these pretenders in the Bible, namely, [image: image] or [image: image] discoverer, revealer. A curious note on the methods employed by diviners of this sort will be found extracted from Ibn Khaldūn, in the second volume of M. de Sacy’s Chrestomathie Arabe, pp. 298-301. See also my Controversial Tracts on Christianity and Mohammedanism, p. 212. 5 This, it should seem, is a sect of Sūfīs, who pay little regard to any thing, but persuading themselves that they stand well with the Almighty, as may be seen in an interesting note from Makrizi by M. De Sacy (Chrest. Arab., torm. i. p. 263, edit. 2). In one instance, however, the learned Frenchman has mistaken his author, which it is important to rectify. After stating that they fast and pray but little, Makrizi proceeds, [image: image] which I translate thus: “ they care nothing about the enjoyment of lawful pleasures:” but which stands thus in M. de Sacy : “ ils ne font point de difficulté d’user des plaisirs licites:” by which I suppose he means, they make no scruple in indulging in lawful pleasures. In the extract from Makrizi, moreover, two sects of these are noticed ; the last of which, termed [image: image] Melāmetī, pay very great regard to their actions and carriage in society. The account given of these sects in the King of Oude’s Persian Dictionary, entitled the Seven Seas, is as follows: The term Kalender (or Karender), signifies a being, perfectly relieved from the forms and objects of earthly usages, which do not confer happiness; and who is so far advanced in spiritual acquirements, as to be entirely freed from the restraints of custom or address. Having freed both body and soul from every person and thing, the Kalender seeks nothing but the beauty and glory of the Deity; and this he believes he obtains. But, such an one, feeling the least inclination to any thing existing, is termed a reprobate, not a Kalender. The difference between a Kalender, a Melāmetī, and a Sūfī, consists in this : the Kalender labours to be freed and removed from all forms and observances. The Melāmetī, on the other hand, conceals his devotions from others, as he does every thing else tending to virtue ; while he conceals nothing that is bad and vicious. The Sūfī is that person, who allows his feelings to be affected by no created being, and has no liking or dislike to them. The degree of the Sūfī is the highest; for perfectly separated and simplified as they are from worldly concerns, they nevertheless obey their spiritual senior, and walk in the footsteps of him and of the prophet. See also d’Herbelot, Bib. Or., under the word Calendar, and d’Ohsson’s Tabl. Emp. Ott., torm. ii. p. 315, as cited by M. de Sacy. 6 A very different account of the origin of this practice is given in a note from Makrizi, by M. de Sacy (Chrest. Arabe, torm. i. p. 264, 2d edit.), in which it is said, that it must have originated about four hundred years before Makrizi’s time; but, as Ibn Batūta lived more than one hundred years before Makrizi, it is probable that his account is the true one. Makrizi, besides, cites no author in support of his opinion, and probably says only what he might have heard. 7 From this, as well as from what is related above about this woman, it may be seen how exceedingly reproachful it is considered in the East to shave off the beard. Compare Leviticus, xix. 27 ; xxi. 5. 2 Sam., x. 5. 1 Chron., xix. 5. 8 Rebecca, we find, alighted from her camel (Gen. xxiv. 64), in order to pay respect to her future husband Isaac, just as the Judge here did to the Sheikh. 9 That the water of the Nile was commonly drunk as early as the times of Moses, we are informed in the book of Exodus, chap. vii. See also Diodorus Siculus, lib. i, p. 49, edit. Wes-seling. The Arabs, too, generally term this river the sweet sea [image: image], in order to distinguish it from the Mediterranean, which they term the salt sea [image: image]. See M. de Sacy’s Chrestomathie Arabe, tom. ii. p. 15. 10 Pekin, as will be shewn hereafter. 11 See D’Herbelot, under Nasser Ben Calaoun: Annales Muslem,, tom. v. p. 116, 331, &c. § See D’Herbelot, under Schamseddin. 12 Annales Muslemici, tom. v. p. 300-1. 13 See D’Herbelot, under Abou-Haian. CHAPTER IV. Balbīs—El Salihīa —El Sawāda—El Wārid—Katīa—Matīlab—El Arīsh—El Kharūba—Rafaj—Gaza—El Khalīl. AFTER this I arrived at aBalbīs,1 then at bEl Salihīa. From this place I entered the sands (Desert), in which are the stages cEl Sawāda, dEl Wārid, eKatīa, fEl Matīlab, gEl Aarīsh2 hEl Kharūba, and iRafaj. At each of these there is an inn, which they call kEl khān. Here the travellers put up with their beasts: here are also watering camels, as well as shops, so that a traveller may purchase whatever he may want either for himself or his beast. [image: image] I next arrived at lGaza, and from thence proceeded to the city of mEl Khalīl Ibrahīm (Abraham the friend). In the mosque of this place is the holy cave, and in this are the tombs of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, with those of their wives. This cave I visited. As to the truth of these being the graves of those persons, the following is an extract made by me, from the work of Ali Ibn Jaafar El Rāzī, entitled El Musfir Lilkulūb, on the true position of the graves of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob ;3 and which rests on a tradition from nAbu Horaira, who has said, It was related by the prophet, that when he was on his night journey to Jerusalem, Gabriel took him by the grave of Abraham and said, descend and perform two prostrations, for here is the tomb of Abraham thy father. He then took him by Bethlehem and said, perform two prostrations, for here was born thy brother Jesus, He then went on with him to El Sakhrat, and so on, as recorded in the tradition. [image: image] In the city of El Khalīl was the aged saint and Imām, oBorhān Oddīn El Jaabarī, him I asked respecting the truth of the grave of Abraham being there. He answered, Every learned man I have met with has considered it as the fact, that these three graves are the graves of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob ; and that the three graves opposite to them are those of their wives ; nor does any one, continued he, think of contradicting accounts so generally received from the ancients, but the heretics. 1 This word is pronounced either Balbīs or Bilbīs; it is, according to the [image: image], ten farsangs from Fustat in Cairo, on the road to Syria. [image: image] [image: image] See an interesting note on this place in Hamaker’s Liber de expugnatione Memphidis, &c., pp. 48, 49. The following from Makrizi I cannot forbear copying and translating: [image: image] [image: image] Balbīs is called, in the law of Moses, Jāshān (Goshen), and is the place to which Jacob went down after he had presented himself to his son Joseph. So he went down to the country of Jāshān (Goshen), which is Balbīs, to the pasturage on account of their cattle. Ibn Saīd, who was governor of this place, has said, that its territory extends to El Wāridat, which is the extreme limit of Egypt. To this place is the common silver coinage current: but beyond it, and to El Arīsh, which is the first place of Syria, but as some say, the last of Egypt, are the fulūs (i. e. a sort of small copper coin) in circulation. 2 On this place, which is the Rhinocorura or Rhinocolura of the ancients, see Hamaker’s Liber de expugnatione Memphidis et Alexandriæ, p. 15. 3 The name of the author with the whole title runs thus: [image: image] [image: image] CHAPTER XI. Anatolia—Burdūr—Sabartā—Ahrīdūr—Ahshahar—Karā Hisār—Lādhik—Fortress of Tawās—Mīlās—Kūnia, the grave of Mawlānā Rūmī—Laranda—Aksarā—Nikda—Sīvās—Amāsia—Sūnusa—Kumash—Arzanjān—Arzerrūm—Birki, remarkable piece of meteoric stone seen here—Tira—Ayāsaluk—Yazmīr—Magnesia—Bergama—Burūsa—Yaznīk—Bustunī—Būlī—Barlū Kastamūnia. FROM this place I proceeded to the district of cAnatolia,1 which contains some handsome cities. In all the Turkomān towns there is a Brotherhood of dyouths, one of whom is termed [image: image] (my brother, i. e. the word brother [image: image] joined with the pronoun of the first person singular [image: image] my). No people are more courteous to strangers, more readily supply them with food and other necessaries, or are more opposed to oppressors than they are. The person who is styled [image: image] the Brother is one, about whoin persons of the same occupation, or even foreign youths, who happen to be destitute, collect and constitute their president. He then builds a cell, and in this he puts a horse, a saddle, and whatever other implements may be wanting. He then attends daily upon his companions, and assists them with whatever they may happen to want. In the evening they come to him and bring all they have got, which is sold to purchase food, fruit, &c. for the use of the cell. Should a stranger happen to arrive in their country, they get him among them, and with this provision they entertain him ; nor does he leave them till he finally leaves their country. If, however, no traveller arrive, then they assemble to eat up their provisions, which they do with drinking, singing, and dancing. On the morrow, they return to their occupations, and in the evening return again to their president. They are therefore styled “ the Youths,” their president “ the Brother.” [image: image] In this city I went to the College of its Sheikh, eShahāb Oddīn El Hamāwī ; and, on the second day, one of this society came to me. He was addressed by the Sheikh in Turkish, The Sheikh told me that this man came to invite us to a feast. I was much astonished, and said to the Sheikh, This is a poor man, how can he afford to feast us, who are many. The Sheikh was surprised at my reply, and said : This is one of the Brotherhood, a society consisting of two hundred silk merchants, who have a cell of their own. I consented, therefore, and went to the cell, and witnessed the astonishing attention, kindness, and liberality which they shewed their guests. May God reward them ! The Sultan of Anatolia was fKhāzir Beg Ibn Yūnus the Turkomān. I was presented to him. He was then sick. He behaved very liberally towards us, gave us provisions, and sent money for our travelling expenses. I next proceeded to the town of gBurdūr, which is small, and surrounded by trees and gardens. I first went to the house of the hKhatīb (the preacher), and there met the society of the Brotherhood, who invited us to their feast. The Khatīb refused to go : they therefore gave us a feast in a garden without the town. I was truly astonished at their wish to shew us every respect and attention, although we were i[image: ]norant of their language, and they of ours. [image: image] From this place I went to the town of iSabartā, which is handsomeiy built, and has good streets. I next went to the city of kAkrīdūr, which is large, and abounding with trees and water. A lake of sweet water adjoins it, over which vessels pass, in the space of two days, to the town ofl Akshahar, and to other places. I here put up at the lecturer’s, mEl Fāzil Moslih Oddīn, who treated me very respectfully. The Sultan of this place was nAbu Is-hāk Beg, one of the greatest princes of these parts. He gave us protection in his district throughout the month of Ramadān. During my residence I was introduced to him ; after this he sent me a horse and some money. He is a condescending and excellent prince. I then went to the city of oKarā Hisār.2 It is small, and surrounded by water on every side. The Sultan is pMohammed Chelebī. He is the brother of Abu Is-hāk, King of Akridūr. I was introduced to him, and he treated me with great respect, and gave me some provisions. After this 1 proceeded to the city of qLādhik, which is a large and fine city, abounding with water and gardens. As soon as I had entered it, a number of persons who were in the streets got up and seized upon the bridles of our horses ; after which others came and contested the point with them. We were much alarmed at this; but a person Coming up who could speak Arabic, said they were contending only as to who should entertain us, as they were of the society of Youths. Upon this I felt safe. They then cast lots, and we proceeded to the cell of the party on whom the lot fell, and on the day following, to that of the other. Both the parties shewed us the greatest respect. The Sultan rYataj Beg, who is one of the greatest princes of these parts, hearing of us, sent for us and treated us with great respect. [image: image] I then proceeded to the fortress of sTawās, then to the city of tMīlās, which is large and beautiful. Its Sultan is uUrkhān Beg, vIbn El Man-tashā. When I was introduced to him he treated me with great respect : he is a very excellent prince.3 I proceeded from this place to the city of wKūnia,4 which is large and handsome, and abounds with water and gardens. This district belongs to the Sultan xBadr Oddīn Ibn Karmān ; over which, however, the King of Irāk has occasionally had the rule, on account of its proximity to some of his states which are in these parts. I put up at the cell of its Kāzī, who is known by the name of yIbn Kalam Shāh. He is a member of the society of Youths. His cell is most beautiful ; and he has a great number of disciples, who trace the authorities for their judicial decisions as high as Ali Ibn Abi Tālib. They are clothed as the Sūfīs are with the khirka,5 and close trowsers. In this place is the tomb of the holy Sheikh zJalāl Oddīn, better known by the title of aMawlānā6 (our Mawla). He is very highly esteemed. It is said, that he was at first a mere lecturing doctor who had a large number of pupils : but upon a certain day a stranger came into his lecture-room with a basket of sweetmeats, which he had for sale, upon his head; the Sheikh said to him, bring your basket here. The man took a piece of sweetmeat and gave it to the Sheikh, who ate it. He then went out, no one else having tasted the sweetmeat ; the Sheikh became agitated and went out after him, giving up his reading, and leaving his pupils in a State of expectation. At length, however, they set out in quest of him, but failed to discover the place of his retreat. Some years after, he returned with his mind deranged, and speaking nothing but Persian verses. These his pupils, as they followed him, noted down and published under the title of the bMathnavī, a book highly esteemed in these parts. [image: image] I next proceeded to the city of cLāranda,7 the Sultan of which is dEl Malik Badr Oddīn Ibn Karmān, who makes this place his capital. I met him, and was entertained with the greatest kindness as his guest. I then proceeded to eAksarā, which is one of the finest districts of Room, and subject to the king of Irāk. I next went to the city of fNikda, then to gKīsarīa (Cæsarea), both of which are subject to the king of Irāk. I next proceeded to the city of hSīvās, which is also subject to the king of Irāk, It is a large place, and now the rendezvous of the greater part of the king’s army. I next went to the city of iAmāsia,8 then to JSūnusa, then to kKumash, then to lArzanjān, then to Arzerrūm ; all of which are subject to the king of Irāk. In mArzerrum I saw the brother nTūmān, one of the Society of Youths, whose age exceeded one hundred and thirty years. He was still in possession of all his faculties, and could walk wherever he wished. After receiving his blessing I proceeded to the city of oBirkī, the king of which was Mohammed Ibn pAidīn ; I was, in Company with the lecturer of this place qMohyī Oddin, one of the most celebrated and reputable men of his age, introduced to the presence. The king one day said to me, have you ever seen a stone that came down from heaven?9 I answered, No. He continued, such a stone has fallen in the environs of our city. He then called some men and ordered them to bring the stone, which they did. It was a black, solid, exceedingly hard, and shining, substance. If weighed it would probably exceed a rtalent.10 He then ordered some stone-cutters to come in, when four came forward. He commanded them to strike upon it. They all Struck together upon it accordingly with an iron hammer four successive strokes, which, however, made not the least impression upon it. I was much astonished at this. The king then ordered the stone to be taken to its place. He sent fruit and food to us during the time we remained there ; and, when I had bidden him farewell, he sent me a thousand dirhems with one hundred mithkāls of gold, as also clothing, two horses, and a slave. He also sent for my companions some dirhems and clothing separately. [image: image] I then proceeded to the city of sTīra, which belongs also to this prince. It is large, and abounds with gardens and water. From this place I went to the city of tAyāsulūk, the Emīr of which is the Sultan uMohammed Ibn Aīdīn, son of the Sultan of vBirkī; then to the city of wYazmīr, which belongs to the Sultan of Birkī ; its Emīr is xOmar Beg, one of the Sultan’s sons, and a most excellent prince. I then proceeded to the city of yMagnesia, the Sultan of which is called zSārū Khān. I then went to the city of aBergama (Pergamos), of which the philosopher Plato is said to have been an inhabitant. His house is still seen here. The Sultan of this place is styled bBakhshī Khān. I next went to the city of cBālī Kasra, which is large and beautiful. Its governor is called dDamūr Khān. I then went to the city of eBurūsa,11 which is a large place, and governed by fIkhtiyār Oddīn Urkhān Beg, son of gOthmān Jūk. This is one of the greatest, riechest, and most extensive in rule, and commanding the greatest army of all the Turkoman kings. His practice is, constantly to be visiting his fortresses and districts, and to be inquiring into their circumstances. It is said that he never remained a month in any one place. His father had conquered the city of Burūsa, and had besieged that of hYaznīk,12 nearly twenty years, but did not take it ; after this his son besieged it for twelve years and took it. In this place I met him ; he received me very respectfully, and provided me with a considerable number of dirhems. I next went to Yaznīk. It has a large lake eight miles in length ; the city is also surrounded with water and trees. I then left this place, and after some days arrived at the city of iBustūnī;13 after this at the city of jBūrī, the king of which is kShāh Beg. I then went to the city of lBurlū, which belongs to the governor of mKastamūnia. I then went to Kastamūnia, which is a very large and beautiful city, abounding with every delicacy, which may be purchased at a very low rate. I saw an aged Sheikh among its inhabitants, whose age, as I was told, amounted to that of one hundred and sixty-two years. Its Sultan was nSuleimān Bādshaw, a splendid, but aged man; he is a respectable and respectedperson. I was introduced to him, and received very honourably. [image: image] 1 According to the Marāsid El Itlāa [image: image] [image: image], a large, well-known and handsome district of Room, situated on the sea-shore ; it is strong, contains many villages and inhabitants, and is near the gulf of Constantinople. See also Annales Muslemici, tom. iv. p. 220–1. * No mention of this prince occurs in De Guignes. 2 According to the Marāsid El Itlāa, a large farm on the north of Aleppo : [image: image] [image: image] 3 According to De Guignes, this Ottoman prince reigned from 1326 to 1369 (tom. i. p. 271), and consequently he must have been living when our traveller was in these parts. 4 Iconium. 5 A coarse ragged garment worn by the religious beggars of the east. 6 See an interesting article on this writer in fourth Tabaka [image: image] of Dawlatshah, art. [image: image], and in the [image: image] by Jāmī, not far from the end. 7 See D’Herbelot, under the article Mathnaoui. 8 See D’Herbelot, under Amasia. 9 For some very interesting accounts of other phenomena of this sort, see the second edition of M. De Sacy’s Chrestomathie Arabe, tom. iii. pp. 437-441. 10 According to some 112, to others 120 pounds weight. 11 Mr. Kosegarten has here [image: image] which he writes Burssa. Our copies add [image: image] a great city : and again [image: image] [image: image] &c. This I notice to shew, that the copies differ considerably in some instances, and to warn the reader, that, where my translation differs from Mr. Kosegarten’s, he must not immediately conclude that either of us is wrong. CHAPTER XIV. The River Sinde—Multān—Jarāi—El Sāmira a Hindū Sect—Sīvastān—Natural Productions—Description of Couriers—Lahari—Bakār—Uja—The Bow a measure of Strength—Abūhar—Natural Productions of Hindūstān—Passes a Desert infested by Hindu Robbers—Ajūdahan—The Custom of burning Widows—Drowning in the Ganges—Sarsatī—Masūd Abād—Dehli, description of. THE river (just mentioned) is the Sinde: it is the greatest river in the world, and overflows during the hot weather just as the Nile does; and at this time they sow the lands. Here also commence the territories of the Emperor of Sindia and India, who was at this time Mohammed Shāh. From this place also is the description of persons arriving sent in writing to the Emīr of cSindia to Multān. Their Emīr, at this time, was one of the Mamlūks of the Sultan dMohammed Sar Tiz Shāh, i. e. sharp-head, by name; who reviews the armies of the Emperor. I next proceeded to the city of eJanāi,1in which is a people called fEl Sāmira.2 They never eat with strangers, nor are seen eating by them: nor do they contract affinities, or suffer any one to contract affinities with them. It was here I met the Sheikh gEl Sālih El Aābid the religious Bahā Oddīn El Korashī (see p. 7), one of the three, of whom the Sheikh El Walī Borhān Oddīn El Aahraj said in Alexandria, that I should meet them in my travels: and I certainly did meet them. May God be praised. [image: image] I then proceeded to the city of hSīvastān, which is large. Without it is a desert, and in this is there no tree except the iEgyptian thorn, nor do they sow any thing on the banks of its river except the jmelon. They generally live upon a sort of kmillet, lpeas, fish, and milk of the buffalo: for the buffalo is here in great abundance. The place is exceedingly hot: from Multān, the capital of Sindia, it is at a distance of ten days; but from Multān to Dehli, the residence of the Emperor of Hindūstān, is a distance of fifty; which, however, will be traversed by the courier with his despatches in five. There are in Hindūstān two kinds of couriers; horse and foot: these they generally term mEl Wolāk.3The horse courier, which is part of the Sultan’s cavalry, is stationed at the distance of every four miles. As to the foot couriers, there will be one at the distance of every mile, occupying three (consecutive) stations, which they term nEl Davāh, and making (in the whole) three miles: so that there is, at the distance of every three miles, an inhabited village; and without this, three sentry-boxes, in which the couriers sit, prepared for motion, with their loins girded. In the hand of each is a whip about two cubits long, and upon the head of this are small bells. Whenever, therefore, one of the couriers leaves any city, he takes his despatches in the one hand, and the whip which he constantly keeps shaking in the other. In this manner he proceeds to the nearest foot-courier; and, as he approaches, he shakes his whip. Upon this out comes another, who takes the despatches, and so proceeds to the next. For this reason it is, that the Sultan receives his despatches in so short a time. In Sīvastān I met the aged Sheikh Mohammed of oBagdad,4 who told me, that his age was then one hundred and forty years; and, that he was present when the Calif pEl Mostaasem was killed by the Tatars in the environs of Bagdad. [image: image] I then proceeded by the Sinde to the city of qLāharī,5 which is situated upon the shores of the Indian sea, where the Sinde joins it. It has a large harbour, into which ships from Persia, Yemen, and other places put. At the distance of a few miles from this city, are the ruins of another, in which stones in the shape of men and beasts almost innumerable are to be found. The people of this place think, that it is the opinion of their historians, that there was a city formerly in this place, the greater part of the inhabitants of which were so base, that God transformed them, their beasts, their herbs, even to the very seeds, into stones; and indeed stones in the shape of seeds are here almost innumerable. I next proceeded to rBakār,6 which is a handsome city, divided by an arm of the river Sinde. Here I met the religious and pious Sheikh sShams Oddīn Mohammed of Shīrāz. This was one of the men remarkable for age. He told me that he was something more than one hundred and twenty years old. I then proceeded on to the city of tUja,7which is a large city, situated on the Sinde. The governing Emīr, at the time of my arrival, was uEl Malik El Fāzil El Sharīf Jalāl Oddīn El Kabjī, a very brave and generous prince. Between myself and him a friendship arose and was confirmed. After this we met in Dehli. I next travelled on to xMultān, which is the principal city of Sindia, before the Emīr of which the Sultan’s soldiers are obliged to appear. [image: image] This Emīr had always before him a number of bows of various sizes, and when any one, who wished to enlist as a bowman, presented himself, the Emīr threw one of these bows to him, which he drew with all his might.8 Then, as his strength proved to be, so was his situation appointed. But when any one wished to enlist as a horseman, a drum was fixed, and the man ran with his horse at full speed, and struck the drum with his spear. Then, according to the effect of the stroke, was his place determined. There were many persons, Emīrs, nobles, and learned men, who came to this place before us, and with us, all intending to be presented to the Emperor. After a few days, therefore, one of the chamberlains of the Sultan arrived here, in order to conduct these persons to the presence. We then hasted on to Dehli, between which and Multān there is a distance of forty days; throughout which, however, are many contiguous houses, and at these we were honoured by being invited every morning and evening to feasts, prepared by those who came out to meet such as were proceeding to be presented to the Emperor. The first city we entered belonging to Hindūstān was yAbūhar, which is the first Indian city (in this direction). It is small and closely built, and abounds with water and plantations. [image: image] There are not in Hindūstān any of the trees peculiar to our country, if we except the zlote tree, which, however, is larger in the trunk than it is with us; and, its seeds are like those of a great agall apple, exceedingly sweet. They have likewise large trees not known among us. Of their fruit trees, the grape9 is one, which resembles the orange tree, except that its stem is larger, and its leaves more numerous. Its shade, too, is extensive and very dense, and is apt to affect with fever those who sleep under it. The fruit is about the size of the large bDamask prune10, which when green and not quite ripe they take, of those which happen to fall, and salt and thus preserve them, just as the lemon is preserved with us. In the same manner they preserve the ginger while green, as also the pods of pepper: and this they eat with their meals. When the grape is ripe, which is in the autumn, its seed becomes yellow, and this they eat like the apple: it is sweet, but during mastication acquires some acidity. It has rather Iarge stone, which they sow like the orange seed, and from this a tree grows up. Of their fruits are those termed the cShakī11 and Barkī, the trees of which are dhigh, and their leaves are like the Jawz (or Indian nut): the fruit grows out from the bottom of the tree, and that which grows nearest to the earth is called the Barkī; it is extremely sweet and well flavoured in taste; what grows above this is the eShakī. Its fruit resembles that of the fgreat gourd, its rind the skin of an ox (leather?) When it grows yellow in the autumn, they gather and divide it: and in the inside of each is from one to two hundred seeds. Its seed resembles that of a cucumber, and has a stone something like a large bean. When the stone is roasted, it tastes like a dried bean. These, i. e. the Shakī and Barkī, are the best fruits found in Hindūstān. [image: image] They have another sort of fruit, which they call gE1 Tand: this is the fruit of the hPipercula. Its iseed is the size of that of an jArmenian peach, to which its colour may also be compared; it is exceedingly sweet. They also have the kJummūn,12 which is a high tree: the fruit resembles that of the olive, and is black; as does likewise its stone. They have also the sweet orange in great abundance; but the acid orange is more esteemed They also have one between the sweet and sour, which is exceedingly good. They have too the fruit called the lMahwa: the tree is tall, and the leaves are like those of the mJawz, except that there is a mixture of yellow and red in them. The fruit resembles the small nprune, and is very sweet. Upon the head of each of its berries is a small seed, not unlike the grape both in shape and taste; but they who eat it generally experience the head-ache. When dried in the sun, its taste is like that of the fig. This berry they call oE1 Angūr. The grape, however, is seldom found in Hindūstān, and then only in Dehli and a few other places. It produces fruit twice in the year. The fig is not found in Hindūstān. [image: image] They also have a fruit, which they call pKosaf,13 which is round and very sweet. About the tree they dig (and heap) the earth, just as they do about the chesnut. They also have in India fruit common with us which is the pomegranate, and which bears fruit twice in the year. The grain which they sow for subsistence, is sown twice in the year; and, that which is for the autumn, about Midsummer when the rains fall, which they reap in sixty days from the time of sowing it. Of this grain one is termed the qKodrū, which is a sort of rmillet. This is the most plentiful grain in use among them; and of it are the sKāl and the tShāmākh, the latter of which is smaller than a bean. The Shāmākh however often grows without culture, and is the food of the religious, the abstemious, the fakeers, and the poor generally, who go out and gather what thus grows spontaneously, and live upon it the year round. When this is beaten in a wooden mortar, the rind falls off, and then the kernel, which is white, comes out. This they boil in the milk of the buffalo, and make it into a stew, which is much better than when baked. Of their grain, one is the uMāsh,14 which is a sort of pea: and of this the xMunjam15 is a species. The seed is oblong, and of a clear green colour. This they cook with rice, and then eat it with oil. It is called yEl Koshira and taken daily for breakfast. Another species of this is the zLūbiā,16 and another the aMurut, which resembles the Kodrū, except that its seed is smaller, and is used for fodder for cattle: it is pulse. They also feed the beasts with the leaves of the māsh, instead of green corn. All these are their autumnal grains. And when they cut these, they sow the spring grain, which consists of bwheat, cbarley, dlentiles, and epulse,17 on the ground from which the autumnal grain had been gathered. The soil of the country is exceedingly good. [image: image] [image: image] As to the rice, they sow it three times during the year on the same ground: it is much in use among them. The sesamè and sugar-cane they cultivate along with the autumnal grain. I at length left the town of Abūhar, and proceeded for one day through a desert enclosed on both sides by mountains upon which were infidel and rebel Hindoos. The inhabitants of India are in general infidels; some of them live under the protection of the Mohammedans, and reside either in the villages or cities: others, however, infest the mountains and rob by the highways. I happened to be of a party of two and twenty men, when a number of these Hindoos, consisting of two horsemen and eighty foot, made an attack upon us. We, however, engaged them, and by God’s help put them to flight, having killed one horseman and twelve of the foot. After this we arrived at a fortress, and proceeding on from it, came at length to the city of fAjūdahan18 which is small. Here I met the holy Sheikh gFarīd Oddīm El Bodhāwondī, of whom the Sheikh El Walī Borhān Oddān El Aaraj had spoken to me in the port of Alexandria, telling me that I should meet him. I therefore did meet him, and presented him with the Sheikh’s salutation, which surprised him; He said, I am unworthy of this. The Sheikh was very much broken by the temptations of the Devil. He allowed no one to touch his hand or to approach him; and, whenever the clothes of any one happened to touch his, he washed them immediately. His patronymic is referred to hBodhāwond, a town of iEl Sambah In this part, I also saw those women who burn themselves when their husbands die.19 The woman adorns herself, and is accompanied by a cavalcade of the infidel Hindoos and kBrahmans, with drums, ltrumpets, and men, following her, both Moslems and Infidels for mere pastime. The fire had been already kindled, and into it they threw the dead husband. The wife then threw herself upon him, and both were entirely burnt. A woman’s burning herself, however, with her husband is not considered as absolutely necessary among them, but it is encouraged; and when a woman burns herself with her husband, her family is considered as being ennobled, and supposed to be worthy of trust. But when she does not burn herself, she is ever after clothed coarsely, and remains in constraint among her relations, on account of her want of fidelity to her husband. [image: image] The woman who burns herself with her husband is generally surrounded by women, who bid her farewell, and commission her with salutations for their former friends, while she laughs, plays, or dances, to the very time in which she is to be burnt. [image: image] Some of the Hindoos, moreover, drown themselves in the river Ganges, to which they perform pilgrimages; and into which they pour the ashes of those who have been burnt. When any one intends to drown himself, he opens his mind on the subject to one of his companions, and says: You are not to suppose that I do this for the sake of any thing worldly; my only motive is to draw near to mKisāī, which is a name of God with them. And when he is drowned, they draw him out of the water, burn the body, and pour the ashes into the Ganges. After four day’s journey, I arrived at the city of nSarsatī20. It is large and abounds with rice, which they carry hence to Delhi. And after this at oHānsī,21 which is a very beautiful and closely built city, with extensive fortifications. I next came to pMasūd Abād,22 after two days travelling, and remained there three days. The Emperor Mohammed, whom it was our object to see, had at this time left his residence in Dehli, and gone to Kinnoje,23 which is at the distance of ten days from that place. He sent his Vizier, however, qKhāja Jahān24 Ahmed Ibn Ayās, a native of Room, with a number of kings, doctors, and grandees, to receive the travellers, (an Emīr is with them termed king.) The Vizier then so arranged the procession, that each one had a place according to his rank. We then proceeded on from Masūd Abād till we came to Dehli, the capital of the empire. It is a most magnificent city, combining at once both beauty and strength. Its walls are such as to have no equal in the whole world. This is the greatest city of Hindūstān; and indeed of all Islamism in the East. It now consists of four cities, which becoming contiguous have formed one. This city was conquered in the year of the Hejira 584 (A.D. 1188).25 The thickness of its walls is eleven rcubits. They keep grain in this city for a very long time without its undergoing any change whatever. I myself saw rice brought out of the treasury, which was quite black, but, nevertheless, had lost none of the goodness of its taste. The same was the case with the kodrū, which had been in the treasury for ninety years. Flowers, too, are in continual blossom in this place. Its mosque is very large; and, in the beauty and extent of its building, it has no equal. Before the taking of Dehli it had been a Hindoo temple, which the Hindoos call sE1 Bur Khāna (But Khānaf26); but, after that event, it was used as a mosque. In its court-yard is a tcell, to which there is no equal in the cities of the Mohammedans; its height is such, that men appear from the top of it like little children. In its court, too, there is an immense pillar, which they say, is composed of stones from seven different quarries. Its length is “thirty cubits; its circumference eight: which is truly miraculous.27 Without the city is a reservoir for the rain-water; and out of this the inhabitants have their water for drinking.28 It is two miles in length, and one in width. About it are pleasure-gardens to which the people resort, (al. the nobles of the city.) [image: image] [image: image] 1 I do not find any place in the geographers corresponding sufficiently near to this in name and situation to determine where it is. 2 The name of a sect of Hindoos, of which we find occasional mention in the Dahistān. They are perhaps called Sāmira, as being a sort of legalists, samārat [image: image] according to the Dabistān, signifying law [image: image]. We are told by the author of that work, that he saw one of them, and him he describes very nearly in the words of Ibn Batūta: [image: image] [image: image] [image: image]. Of this sect, the writer saw Sri Manī Rāma the Brahman in the capital of Lahore, who would take no eatable from a Mohammedan, nor would associate with any of another persuasion. They said too, that one of the Mussulmān Emīrs offered him three lacks of rupees, which, however, he would not accept of. 3 i. e. Quick, hasting, &c. from the Arabic root [image: image] properavit, &c. The Eastern couriers are generally some part of the King’s forces, and when the despatches are important are officers of distinction, as it is the case in our own military affairs. These among the ancient-Hebrews were generally termed [image: image] runners, a term perfectly synonymous with that used here, [image: image] or [image: image] (which is perhaps an erroneous reading for [image: image] the Persian word for runner.) This will elucidate an obscure passage in the 19th Psalm, v. 5. where we have “rejoiceth as a strong man to run a race.” The word answering to strong man, is in the original [image: image] which means hero. In the translation too we have a race; but, as we know of no races among the Hebrews, we are reduced to some difficulty as to what could here have been intended by the writer. In the original, however, we have [image: image], which means nothing more than a way, road, or path: and the sense is, rejoiceth as a hero to run the road; i. e., to bear the despatches of his master with the greatest possible celerity and safety. This makes the whole passage easy and plain: it exhibits the sun as an officer honoured by the Almighty to bear the announcement of his powers, through every clime of his dominion, in a language silent but expressive, and equally intelligible to all. 4 Instead of this we have in Mr. Kosegarten, “Et in ea incidi in illius loci concionatorem cui nomen Esscheibâni. Exhibuit mihi litteras quibus fidelium princeps Omar ben abd el asîs Ommavida, quodam illius ab avo concionatoris Sseiwestanici munus contulit. Posteri hereditario jure munus retinent, litteras servant faustaque sibi ex üs augurantur.” 5 This is, no doubt, the Larry Bundur of Major Renncll, see his map of Hindustan, with the Memoir, pp. 285, &c. Mr. Kosegarten has [image: image] Lahariat. 6 Of this place we have no notice in Major Rennell, either in the Memoir or the map. It may have been destroyed, however, since the times of Ibn Batūta, and the name only survive in the Puckar river, one of the arms of the Sinde which meets the sea in those parts, and which may have run through the town when our traveller was there. 7 The Outch of Major Rennell, probably; Mr. Kosegarten has [image: image] Aja. 8 We find an allusion to this custom in the 18th Psalm, where David says that his arms can break a how of steel. The word, however, rendered steel, means in the original copper [image: image], and, probably, should be understood only as a part of the bow, either the middle limb, to which pieces of horn, or of any other elastic substances were fastened, or the firula, or clasps, by which this and the horn, &c. were combined. The bow was among our own ancestors considered as a criterion of strength, as we find in one of the songs in Robin Hood’s Garland: vol. ii. London, 1795, p. 13. . . . . . . That ever a boy so young, Should bear a bow before our king, That’s not able to draw one string. See also Bishop Hall’s preface to his “Revelation unrevealed.” That the strength of a man was thus measured among the ancient Arabians, may be seen in the “Historia imperii vetustissimi Joctanidarum in Arabia Felice,” by A. Schultens, pp. 133-5. 9 [image: image] This is probably the mango. 10 So Mr. Kosegarten. 11 This is commonly called the jack, or bread-fruit. Crawfurd says, in his History of the Indian Archipelago, vol. i. p. 422: “of the jack fruit (autocarpus integrifolia) two species occur in the Indian islands, the common jack and the Chămpadăk. These two fruits of monstrous size grow, unlike most others, from the trunk and larger branches of the tree. The first grows often to an enormous size: the taste, though too strong to be agreeable to Europeans, is remarkably suited to the native palate. Containing a large quantity of saccharine and glutinous matter, the jack is highly nutritious.” He tells us a little lower down, that its name in the archipelago is probably a corruption of the Telinga jdka: our word [image: image] Shakī (or shaka, perhaps) seems to be another corruption of the same word. Mr. Kosegarten has [image: image] Shdkī Mr. Marsden adds, in his History of Sumatra, p. 99: “The outer coat is rough, containing a number of seeds or kernels (which, when roasted, have the taste of chesnuts) inclosed in a fleshy substance of a rich, and to strangers, too strong a smell and flavour, but which gains upon the palate.” The Chămpădak of Mr. Crawfurd is, probably, the Barkī [image: image] of our traveller: the name, however, is preserved in Knox’s Ceylon, in the word Warracha. “Before they be full ripe,” says he, “the inhabitants call them Cose; and when ripe Warracha or Kellas: but with this difference, that the Warracha is hard, but the Kellas as soft as pap, both looking alike to the eye, but they are distinct trees.” p. 26, edit. 1817. * Mr. Kosegarten also reads El Tand [image: image] p. 18. 12 This is, probably, the Jambu (Eugenia) of Mr. Crawfurd. See History of the Indian Archipelago, vol. i. pp. 428-9. See also Marsden’s Hist. Sumat. p. 99. Mr. Kosegarten has here [image: image], which he gives Dschauk. It is, no doubt, an error. 13 Mr. Kosegarten has here [image: image] kasirā, which he writes kessira doubling the s. 14 To the valuable note of M. de Sacy on this vegetable (Relat. de l’Egypte, p. 119), the following may be added from the medicinal dictionary of Hosain. [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] The Māsh they also call maj, but in the Shirāzi (dialect) bitūmāsh, and bitusiyāh. They say that its matter is nearly allied to that of the bākila (bean) but is less flatulent. The best time to use it is the summer: and the best of it, are those which are large, green, and plump. Its nature is cold at first, but moderate. Of its skin they make the chūn mukashshar, and say that it is dry at first. The chyle produced by it is good; and it digests sooner than the bākila (or bean). The property of its chūn mukashshar is, to be advantageous in poulticing for pains in the limbs, &c. The term chūn mukashshar, means like something barked or peeled: but here seems to be applied as a compound word, as the name of something, but what it is I have not been able to discover. Nor am I quite certain about the syllables bitu, in bitusiyāh, as the diacritical points in the MS. are not very plainly written: but as I could find nothing else so suitable, I have taken that, which according to Meninski means exposed to the sun, &c. 15 We find in Golius, under [image: image] Pers. [image: image] Lusitanis MUNGO. Is not this mungo the [image: image] munjam of Ibn Batūta? 16 To M. de Sacy’s notes on the Loubia (Relat, de l’Egypte, p. 38, &c.) may be added the following from the dictionary of Hosain. [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] The lūbiā, which they also call lūbā and thāmar, is easier of digestion and ejection than the māsh. It is less productive of flatulency than the bākila (bean). The best of it is that which is red, but is not eaten. Its nature is warm at the first, but in moisture and dryness is moderate. They also say, that it is cold and dry.... The second property of the red sort is, that it assists in puerperal complaints, expels the urine and makes the body plump. It is also valuable in pulmonary diseases. 17 Of this, according to Hosain, there is, the white, the black, the karsanī, the wild, and the garden, pulse. The wild is the most scarce, and the garden pulse is eaten. [image: image] [image: image] &c. Then follow its medicinal properties. 18 The Adjodin of Major Rennell. 19 It will not be necessary here to notice what has been written on this inhuman practice by more modern travellers, or by our own countrymen resident in Hindūstān: but, as some curious matter is found in the Dabistān, a Persian book not yet translated, it may not be amiss here to give an extract on this subject: [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] “They say, that the woman who becomes a Sattee after the death of her husband, obtains pardon both for her own and her husband’s sins, so that they may both remain long in paradise: and even if the husband should have gone to hell, just as a snake-catcher draws out a snake from his hole, so would the woman draw her husband out of hell, and place him in paradise. Every woman, too, who becomes a Sattee, should she again have a body, would have that of a man, not that of a woman. But, if she did not become a Sattee, but remain a widow, she would never in the metempsychosis have any other body but that of a woman. It is considered the duty of a woman to enter the fire in which her husband is burning, unless she be pregnant. A Brahman’s wife must bum with her husband in the same fire, and so become a Sattee: others may burn elsewhere. It is not considered right, however, to force a woman into the fire: and, in like manner, a woman desiring to become a Sattee, is not to be kept back from her purpose. The doctors have said, that the original intention of becoming a Sattee was this: that a woman should, after the death of her husband, consume all her desires, and thus die (to the world) before her natural death: for in the language of mysticism woman means desire; and the intention is, that she should cast away her desire, not that she should throw herself as a dead carcase into the fire, which is abominable,” The word Sattee (in the Sanscrit [image: image]) means saint, &c. 20 The Suruste of Major Rennell. 21 Perhaps the Hassengur of Rennell, or the[image: image] of Ferishta, which is certainly near the river Suruste, mentioned in the account of the battle between Shahāb Oddīn and the Hindoo chiefs, A. H. 588. Dow writes it Hafsi, p. 169: (A. H. 752). 22 This place I do not find in the maps. 23 This is, probably, the expedition noticed by Dow, Hindustan, vol. i. p. 322. 24 Chaja Jehan was, according to Dow, high in power with Mohammed Shāh at this time. Hindustan, vol. i. p. 318; and Ferishta says, that Ahmed Ayāz received the title of Khāja Jahān, and was made commander of the forces of Guzerat upon the king’s accession. [image: image] [image: image] 25 According to Ferishta, however, it was not conquered by the Mohammedans before A. H. 588. His words, which I do not find in Dow, are these: [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] When Pithūrā was slain in the field of battle of Shahāb Oddān, Dehli, as will hereafter appear, in the latter part of the year 588 passing from the power of infidels, went into the government of the kings of Ghaur and their followers. According to the Aīni Akbarī, however, Dehli was first taken by Mahmood of Ghizna: 26 sort of temple is constantly termed But khāna ([image: image], a but house or house of Budda) by Ferishta. 27 it the pillar of Firozshāh? 28 The waters of the Jumna, it should seem, are so impregnated with natron as to be unfit for drinking. Col. Fitzclarence tells us, in his “Journal or Route across India, through Egypt to England,” (p. 236) that “the water of the Jumna, and of the wells, which they are now obliged to drink (i. e. the inhabitants of Delhi) is so much impregnated with natron, otherwise called soda, as to prove at times very injurious.” Our traveller was in India before the time of Shāh Jahān, and consequently before the canal for supplying purer water (mentioned in the same page by the Colonel) had been made: and hence the necessity for this reservoir. CHAPTER XVI. Ibn Batūta arrives at the Queen Mother’s Palace—His Daughter’s death and funeral—The Emperor’s return to Dehli—Appoints Ibn Batūta Judge of Dehli—Character of the Emperor—Quarrels with the Inhabitants of Dehli, and commands them to quit the city for Dawlatabād—Emir of Fargāna put to death—The Kāzī Jalāl Oddīn and others put to death—Cruelties of the Emperor—Arabic panegyric composed by our traveller for him—In danger of losing his life—Gives up his office, and joins the Religious. LET us now return to the description of our arrival Dehli. When we arrived at this place, the Vizier having previously met us, we came to the door of the Sultan’s haram, to the place in which his mother, mEl Makhdūma Jahān1 resides, the Vizier, as also the Kāzī of the place, being still with us. These paid their respects at the entrance, and we all followed their example. We also, each of us, sent his present to her, which was proportionate to his circumstances. The Queen’s secretaries then registered these presents, and informed her of them. The presents were accepted, and we were ordered to be seated. Her viands were then brought in ; we received the greatest respect and attention in their odd way. After this, dresses of honour were put upon us, and we were ordered to withdraw to such places as had been prepared for each of us. We made our obeisance and retired accordingly. This service is presented, by one’s bowing the head, placing one of the hands on the earth, and then retiring. When I had got to the house prepared for me, I found it furnished with every carpet, vessel, couch, and fuel, one could desire. The victuals which they brought us consisted of flour, rice, and flesh, all of which was brought from the mother of the Emperor. Every morning we paid our respects to the Vizier, who on one occasion gave me two thousand dinars, and said: This is to enable you to get your clothes washed. He also gave me a large robe of honour ; and to my attendants, who amounted to about forty, he gave two thousand dinars. [image: image] After this, the Emperor’s allowance was brought to us, which amounted to the weight of one thousand Dehli-Ritls of flour, where every Ritl2 is equal to five and twenty Ritls of Egypt. We also had one thousand Ritls of flesh ; and of fermented liquors, oil, oil-olive, and the betel-nut, many Ritls ; and also many of the betel-leaf.3 During this time, and in the absence of the Emperor, a daughter of mine happened to die, which the Vizier communicated to him. The Emperor’s distance from Dehli was that of ten stages ; nevertheless, the Vizier had an answer from him on the morning of the day, on which the funeral was to take place. His orders were, that what was usually done on the death of any of the children of the nobility, should be done now. On the third day, therefore, the Vizier came with the judges and nobles, who spread a carpet and made the necessary preparations, consisting of incense, rose-water, readers of the koran, and panegyrists. When I proceeded with the funeral, I expected nothing of this ; but upon seeing their company I was much gratified. The Vizier, on this occasion, occupied the station of the Emperor, defraying every expense, and distributing victuals to the poor, and others ; and giving money to the readers, according to the order which he had received from the Emperor. After this, the Emperor’s mother sent for the mother of the child, and gave her dresses and ornaments, exceeding one thousand dinars in value. She also gave her a thousand dinars in money, and dismissed her on the second day. During the absence of the Emperor, the Vizier shewed me the greatest kindness, on the part of himself, as well as on that of his master. Soon after, the news of the Emperor’s approach was received, stating that he was within seven miles of Dehli, and ordering the Vizier to come and meet him. He went out, accordingly, accompanied by those who had arrived for the purpose of being presented ; each taking his present with him. In this manner we proceeded till we arrived at the gate of the palace in which he then was. At this place the secretaries took account of the several presents, and also brought them before the Emperor. The presents were then taken away, and the travellers were presented, each according to the order in which he had been arranged. When my turn came, I went in and presented my service in the usual manner, and was very graciously received, the Emperor taking my hand, and promising me every kindness. To each of the travellers he gave a dress of honour, n embroidered with gold, which had been worn by himself, and one of these he also gave to me. After this, we met without the palace, and viands were handed about for some time. On this occasion the travellers ate, the Vizier, with the great Emīrs, standing over them as servants. We then retired. After this, the Emperor sent to each of us one of the horses of his own stud, adorned and caparisoned with a saddle of silver. He then placed us in his front with the Vizier, and rode on till he arrived at his palace in Dehli. On the third day after our arrival, each of the travellers presented himself at the gate of the palace ; when the Emperor sent to inquire, whether there were any among us who wished to take office, either as a writer, a judge, or a magistrate ; saying, that he would give such appointments. Each, of course, gave an answer suitable to his wishes. For my own part, I answered, I have no desire either for rule or writership ; but the office both of judge and of magistrate, myself and my fathers have filled. These replies were carried to the Emperor, who commanded each person to be brought before him, and he then gave him such appointment as would suit him ; bestowing on him, at the same time, a dress of honour, and a horse furnished with an ornamented saddle. He also gave him money, appointing likewise the amount of his salary, which was to be drawn from the treasury. He also appointed a portion of the produce of the villages, which each was to receive annually, according to his rank. When I was called, I went in and did homage. The Vizier said : The Lord of the world appoints you to the office of judge in Dehli. He also gives you a dress of honour with a saddled horse, as also twelve thousand dinars for your present support. He has moreover appointed you a yearly salary of twelve thousand dinars, and a portion of lands in the villages, which will produce annually an equal sum. I then did homage according to their custom, and withdrew. We shall now proceed to give some account of the Emperor Mohammed son of Ghīāth Oddīn Toglik: then of our entering and leaving Hindūstān. This Emperor was one of the most bountiful and splendidly munificent men (where he took) ; but in other cases, one of the most impetuous and inexorable : and very seldom indeed did it happen, that pardon followed his anger. On one occasion he took offence at the inhabitants of Dehli, on account of the numbers of its inhabitants who had revolted, and the liberal support which these had received from the rest ; and, to such a pitch did the quarrel rise, that the inhabitants wrote a letter consisting of several pages, in which they very much abused him : they then sealed it up, and directed it to the Real Head and Lord of the world, adding, “Let no other person read it.” They then threw it over the gate of the palace. Those who saw it, could do no other than send it to him ; and he read it accordingly. The consequence was, he ordered all the inhabitants to quit the place ; and, upon some delay being evinced, he made a proclamation stating, that what person soever, being an inhabitant of that city, should be found in any of its houses or streets, should receive condign punishment. Upon this they all went out.4 But, his servants finding a blind man in one of the houses, and a bed-ridden one in another, the Emperor commanded the bed-ridden man to be projected from a obalista, and the blind one to be dragged by his feet to pDawlatābād, which is at the distance of ten days, and he was so dragged ; but, his limbs dropping off by the way, only one of his legs was brought to the place intended, and was then thrown into it : for the order had been, that they should go to this place. When I entered Dehli it was almost a desert. Its buildings were very few ; in other respects it was quite empty, its houses having been forsaken by its inhabitants. The King, however, had given orders, that any one who wished to leave his own city, may come and reside there.5 The consequence was, the greatest city in the world had the fewest inhabitants. [image: image] Upon a certain occasion, too, the principal of the preachers, who was then keeper of the jewellery, happened to be outwitted by some of the infidel Hindoos, who came by night and stole some jewels. For this he beat the man to death with his own hand. [image: image] Upon another occasion, one of the Emīrs of qFargāna came to pay him a temporary visit. The Emperor received him very kindly, and bestowed on him some rich presents. After this the Emīr had a wish to return, but was afraid the Emperor would not allow him to do so ; he began, therefore, to think of flight. Upon this a whisperer gave intimation of his design, and the Emīr was put to death : the whole of his wealth was then given to the informers. For this is their custom, that when any one gives private intimation of the designs of another, and his information turns out to be true, the person so informed of is put to death, and his property is given to the informer. There was at that time, in the city of rKambāya,6 on the shores of India, a Sheikh of considerable power and note, named the Sheikh Alī Haidarī,7 to whom the merchants and seafaring men made many votive offerings. This Sheikh was in the habit of making many predictions for them.s But when the Kāzī Jalāl Oddīn Afgānī rebelled against the Emperor, it was told him that the Sheikh Haidarī had sent for this Kāzī Jalāl Oddīn, and given him the cap off his own head. Upon this the Emperor set out for the purpose of making war upon the Kāzī Jalāl Oddīn, whom he put to flight. He then returned to his palace, leaving behind him an Emīr, who should make inquiry respecting others who had joined the Kāzī : the inquiry accordingly went on, and those who had done so were put to death. The Sheikh was then brought forward ; and when it was proved that he had given his cap to the Kāzī, he was also slain. The Sheikh Hād, son of the Sheikh Bahā Oddīn Zakaryā, was also put to death, on account of some spite which he would wreak upon him. This was one of the greatest Sheikhs. His crime was, that his uncle’s son had rebelled against the Emperor, when he was acting as governor in one of the provinces of India. So war was made upon him, and being overcome, his flesh was roasted with some rice, and thrown to the elephants to be devoured : but they refused to touch it. 8 Upon a certain day, when I myself was present, some men were brought out who had been accused of having attempted the life of the Vizier. They were ordered, accordingly, to be thrown to the elephants, which had been taught to cut their victims to pieces. Their hoofs were cased with sharp iron instruments, and the extremities of these were like knives. On such occasions the elephant-driver rode upon them : and, when a man was thrown to them, they would wrap the trunk about him and toss him up, then take him with the teeth and throw him between their fore feet upon the breast, and do just as the driver should bid them, and according to the orders of the Emperor. If the order was to cut him to pieces, the elephant would do so with his irons, and then throw the pieces among the assembled multitude: but if the order was to leave him, he would be left lying before the Emperor, until the skin should be taken off, and stuffed with hay, and the flesh given to the dogs.9 [image: image] On one occasion one of the Emīrs, viz. the Ain El Mulk, who had the charge of the elephants and beasts of burden, revolted, and took away the greater part of these beasts and went over the Ganges, at the time the Emperor was on his march towards the Maabar districts, against the Emīr Jalāl Oddīn. Upon this occasion the people of the country proclaimed the runaway emperor : but an insurrection arising, the matter soon came to an end.10 Another of his Emīrs, namely tHalājūn, also revolted, and sallied out of Dehli with a large army. The Viceroy in the district of uTelingāna also rebelled, and made an effort to obtain the kingdom ; and very nearly succeeded, on account of the great number who were then in rebellion, and the weakness of the army of the Emperor ; for a pestilence had carried off the greater part. From his extreme good fortune, however, he got the victory, collected his scattered troops, and subdued the rebellious Emīrs, killing some, torturing others, and pardoning the rest. He then returned to his residence, repaired his affairs, strengthened his empire, and took vengeance on his enemies.—But let me now return to the account of my own affairs with him. [image: image] When he had appointed me to the office of Judge of Dehli, had made the necessary arrangements, and given me the presents already mentioned, the horses prepared for me, and for the other Emīrs who were about his person, were sent to each of us, who severally kissed the hoof of the horse of him who brought them, and then led our own to the gate of the palace ; we then entered, and each put on a dress of honour ; after which we came out, mounted, and returned to our houses. The Emperor said to me, on this occasion, Do not suppose that our office of Judge of Dehli wdll cost you little trouble : on the contrary, it will require the greatest attention. I understood what he said, but did not return him a good answer. He understood the Arabic, and was not pleased with my reply. I am, said I, of the sect of Ibn Mālik, but the people of Dehli follow Hanafi ;11 besides, I am ignorant of their language. He replied, I have appointed two learned men your deputies, who will advise with you. It will be your business to sign the legal xinstruments.12 He then added : If what I have appointed prove not an income sufficient to meet your numerous expenses, I have likewise given you a cell, the bequests appropriated to which you may expend, taking this in addition to what is already appointed. I thanked him for this, and returned to my house. A few days after this he made me a present of twelve thousand dinars. In a short time, however, I found myself involved in great debts, amounting to about fifty-five thousand dinars, according to the computation of India, which with them amounts to five thousand five hundred ytankas ;13 but which, according to the computation of the west, will amount to thirteen thousand dinars. The reason of this debt was, the great expenses incurred in waiting on the Emperor, during his journies to repress the revolt of the Ain El Mulk (p. 147). About this time, I composed a panegyric in praise of the Emperor, which I wrote in Arabic, and read to him. He translated it for himself,14 and was wonderfully pleased with it : for the Indians are fond of Arabic poetry, and are very desirous of (being memorialized in) it. I then informed him of the debt. I had incurred ; which he ordered to be discharged from his own treasury, and said : Take care, in future, not to exceed the extent of your income. May God reward him. [image: image] Some time after the Emperor’s return from the Maabar districts, and his ordering my residence in Dehli, his mind happened to change respecting a Sheikh in whom he had placed great confidence, and even visited, and who then resided in a cave without the city. He took him accordingly and imprisoned him, and then interrogated his children as to who had resorted to him. They named the persons who had done so, and myself among the rest ; for it happened that I had visited him in the cave. I was consequently ordered to attend at the gate of the palace, and a council to sit within. I attended in this way for four days, and few were those who did so, who escaped death. I betook myself, however, to continued fasting. and tasted nothing but water. On the first day I repeated the sentence, “ God is our support, and the most excellent patron,s”15 three and thirty-thousand times ; and after the fourth day, by God’s goodness was I delivered ; but the Sheikh, and all those who had visited him, except myself, were put to death. [image: image] Upon this I gave up the office of Judge, and bidding farewell to the world, attached myself to the holy and pious Sheikh, the saint and phœnix of his age, aKamāl Oddīn Abd Ullah El Gāzī, who had wrought many open miracles. All I had I gave to the Fakeers ; and, putting on the tunic of one of them, I attached myself to this Sheikh for five months,16 until I had kept a fast of five continued days ; I then breakfasted on a little rice. [image: image] 1 This, according to the Tabakāti Akbarī and Ferishta, was the name of the Emperor’s mother, and to her was consigned the care of the household. 2 This word, which according to the author of the Kāmoos, &c. may be pronounced either Ritl or Ratl [image: image] is constantly given by M. de Sacy Rotl (as if written [image: image]) for what reason I know not. As it is important that the reader should have some idea of the value of this measure of weight, I shall here put down what the author of the Kāmoos has said about it (sub voce [image: image]) and, as it is here connected with several others, I shall copy the whole of the article. [image: image] [image: image]. The Makkūk, of the form Tannūr, is a cup out of which one drinks: it is also a measure containing a sāa and a half, or (which is the same thing) from half a ritl to eight ounces ; or, half the waibat. And the waibat contains either two and twenty or four and twenty modds, according to the modd of the prophet (i. e. of Hegāz), or three kailajes ; and the kailaj contains the maund and seven-eighths of a maund ; and the maund contains two ritls, a ritl twelve ounces, and an ounce contains an istār and two-thirds, and an istār contains four mathkāls and a half ; a mathkāl equals a dram and three-sevenths of a dram ; and a dram six dāniks ; and a dānik contains two kīrāt (carats) ; and a kīrāt two tassūjes ; and a tassūj two grains ; and a grain the sixth of the eighth of a dram ; which is a part of forty-eight parts of a dram. Tabularly thus : [image: image] 1 Waiba = 22 or 24 Modds = 3 Kailajes 1 Kailaj = 1 Maund + [image: image] 1 Maund = 2 Ritls 1 Ritl = 12 Ounces 1 Ounce = 1 Istār + [image: image] 1 Istār = 4 Mathkāl + [image: image] 1 Mathkāl = 1 Dram + [image: image] 1 Dram = 6 Daāniks 1 Dānik = 2 Kīrāts 1 Kīrāt = 2 Tassūj 1 Tassūj = 2 Grains 1 Grain = [image: image] of [image: image] of a Dram = [image: image] of a Dram The ounce, I believe, is our ounce troy, and hence the value of any other of the weights may be found. The value of weights, jewels, and metals, as used in Hindustan, are thus given (a) Since writing this, I find that it has been also extracted by M. de Sacy in his Chrestomathie, tom. i. p. 36, edit. 2. But, as his extract is without a translation, and otherwise incomplete, I shall retain it. in the Tijārat Nāmah : [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] Know ...... that 8 rice grains make 1 red grain, which in the Hindee is called a Ratti: 8 of these grains make 1 Māsha ; 3[image: image] Mashas, 1 Dram ; 4[image: image] Māshas, 1 Mathkāl ; 4 barley corns, 1 Dāng ; 12 Māshas a Tōla ; 16 Māshas, 1 Dām ; 1 Ritl is equal to half a Sēr ; 1 Maund to 1 Sēr. See also Shakespear’s Hindūstānī Dictionarj’ under [image: image] and [image: image] Hamilton’s India. The following are the names and values of measures used in Hindistan, in measuring grain and other heavy substances, as given in the Tijārat Nāmah. [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] i. e. a sixteenth of a sēr makes one chhatānk ; two chhātanks, half a pāo ; three chhatānks, a pāo, minus one-fourth ; four chhatānks, one pāo : two pāos will be half an athār : three pāos will be an athār, minus one-fourth: four pāos will be one sēr : five athārs, one pasērī ; eight pasērī, one maund, which will contain forty sēr. But the sēr every where varies, so that in Shāh Jahān Abād the sēr will be equal to eight current rupees ; in Akbar Abād, eighty sicca rupees ; in Farakh Abād, it will equal eighty-two sicca rupees in heavy articles ; but in grain, to two and thirty takkas [image: image] In Luknow the sēr is equal to ninety-six rupees ; in Mirzapūr, to ninety-seven sicca rupees ; in Benares it is equal to seventy-two rupees. In Aazīm Abād the sēr equals seventy-six sicca rupees ; in Mūrshed Abād it equals eighty-one rupees, minus one-fourth ; in Dakka eighty-one rupoes, minus one-fourth ; and in Calcutta, the sēr equals eighty-two sicca rupees. In the South, the sēr is, for the most part, equal to eighty sicca rupees. But in country places it is taken as a measure, not as a weight. In the North also it varies in weight, and is also used as a measure. In the country places of these parts (Farakh Abād) also the weights vary, no one having been established. According to Mr. Shakespear, the Calcutta rupee was by an order of the English government in India, in 1793, fixed to the weight of 179[image: image] grains (troy): but, whether our writer reckons by this standard or not, it is more than I can positively say: it is most likely that he does, as the work was written for a servant of the Company [image: image] Mr. Robert Bātiras? perhaps Patterson) in 1806, 3 [image: image] Of this the King of Oude’s Persian Dictionary says: [image: image] [image: image]. It is a leaf which in Hindūstān they call pān, and which they eat with the betel-nut and quick lime. 4 We have no mention of this circumstance, either in the Tabakāti Akbarī, Ferishta, or any other history accessible to me. Dow ascribes the intention of making Deogīr (afterwards called Dawlatābād) the seat of government, to the Emperor’s being pleased with its situation and strength, of which Ferishta, &c. take no notice. Ferishta, however, states that his reason was its being more central than Dehli, and farther removed from the Persians and Tartars : but of its strength nothing is said, except that the Emperor set about fortifying it as soon as he had settled himself in it. That Dehli was desolated on this occasion all attest, and from the manner in which the author of the Tabakāti Akbarī mentions the migration, there is reason to suppose that something more than the central position of Deogīr was the cause. His words are these: [image: image] [image: image] “ And this matter (i. e. the arrangements made in the Doāb) became the cause of ruin and destruction to the inhabitants. Hence agriculture was neglected ; and a drought happening at the same time, a terrible famine appeared in Dehli ; so that the greater part of its houses fell off (from their allegiance) and such confusion took place that the kingdom was shaken. Another of his whims was to name Deogīr Dawlatābād, and as it was central, to make it the seat of empire. Hence Dehli, which was the rival of Bagdad or Damascus, he entirely ruined, commanding its inhabitants, to whom its air and water had become almost a second nature, to proceed with their families to Deogīr, furnishing them with expenses for a house and for travelling out of the treasury.” And again, [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] “ He made some regulations, which will be particularly mentioned, by which those who had but little wealth were entirely ruined ; and those who had power sufficient to do so, rebelled openly. And, as Mohammed was naturally a bloody and fierce man, he made no hesitation whatever in punishing and slaughtering (all such), and as his commands were enforced, vast numbers were put to death, and the country almost desolated ; in so far, that he lost a great part of the kingdom: nay, in Dehli itself, which was then the capital, there was open rebellion. The revenues from other parts were stopped, and the treasury remained empty,” Immediately after this follows the above extract, which seems to put the matter out of all doubt, that the account given by our traveller, although not mentioned by Ferishta, is the true one, as it respects the cause of Dehli’s being deserted. Ferishta, indeed, gives a similar account of the evacuation, and states that not so much as a slave was left behind ; but in such words as not to favour the reason ascribed by Ibn Batūta : I have, therefore, been induced to give these extracts from an earlier historian. 5 The same is said both by Ferishta and the author of the Tabakāti Akbarī. See Dow, p. 333. 6 The Cambay of Rennell. 7 One of the Haidaree sect, already noticed. 8 None of the matter given here is to be found in Ferishta, or any other historian to whom I have access. 9 Ferishta tells us, on one occasion, of a man having been flead alive, which is mentioned in Dow : but as Ferishta, the Tabakāti Akbarī, and perhaps all the rest of the historians of Hindustan, generally follow the accounts of Ziā El Barnī [image: image], who wrote for Fīroz Shāh, son of this Emperor, it is probable that he did not record half the cruelties of this man.—Knox tells us that the kings of Ceylon also use elephants as executioners, and that on these occasions, “ they have sharp iron with a socket with three edges, which they put on their teeth at such times.” Ceylon, p. 44. 10 An account of this insurrection will be found in Dow, vol. i. pp. 327-8. This happened about A.H. 746. 11 Two of the celebrated leaders who are at the head of the four larger sects of the Mohammedans. They differ from one another, however, only in some legal points. 12 On the office and requirements of such persons, see the Chrestom. Arabe of M. de Sacy, torn. i. pp. 38-41, edit 2. These officers, which are there called [image: image] Justices, are styled by Abul Fazl [image: image] officers of justice. [image: image] 13 On the value of the dinar, direm, &c. of Arabia, see the notes to Professor Carlyle’s Maured Allatafet, p. 3. The king of Oude’s Persian Dictionary tells us, that the tanka (or rather [image: image] tangah) is a certain quantity of gold or money, according to the technical usage of any place ; and that they call two fulūs a tangah : his words are, [image: image] [image: image] Mr. Shakespear says in his Hindūstānī Dictionary [image: image] tangā (see [image: image]) two paisās. 14 According to Ferishta this Emperor either had, cr was proud to be thought to have, considerable pretensions to learning in the Arabic and Persic. His words are : [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] For the encouragement of polite literature he was quite proverbial. His Arabic and Persian letters were so elegant, that the regular scribes and mūnshīs were all astonishment. 15 El Koran, Surat III. 16 As the mystical nonsense to which the religious of the East pay so much regard is but little known, and, perhaps, less understood in this country, I have thought that it might not be unacceptable here to give some account of it, which I shall do, from a work of great authority by the very celebrated poet Jāmī, viz. the [image: image] Nafahāt El Ins. The mysticism which is termed by them Sūfīism, is treated just like any science. It has its various ranks and degrees, and when one has gone through them all, he is supposed to have become an integral part of the Deity, which they hold, indeed, that he always was : but that now he is not only assured of this, but is endued with powers sufficient to give proof of it. They generally set out with fastings, mortifications, and silence, just as the ancient Pythagoreans did, which seems to be the state in which our traveller had placed himself ; and in these they persevere till they have fully persuaded themselves, that heaven and earth are entirely at their command. According to Jāmī, then, the degrees of this science (or unity [image: image]) are four, viz. [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] i.e “ The tirst is a oneness of faith ; the second, of assurance ; the third, a oneness of circumstance ; and the fourth, the oneness of the Almighty. The oneness of faith is that, by which the servant of God believes in his heart, and confesses with his tongue, the unity of the divine character of God, and the sole right which he possesses to divine worship, as derived from the intimations of holy writ. This ascription of the divine oneness is the medium whereby belief is placed in the revealer, and faith in the thing revealed, which derives its proof from (the next stage, or) open assurance. The embracing of this, therefore, effectually liberates the believer from manifest idolatry, and hastens his introduction to the true religion. The candidate, however, for Sūfīism is necessarily situated as others are in holding the (divine) unity ; it is in other respects that he is particular, and stands alone. As to the next degree, it is said : [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] &c. It receives its proof from inward assurance, which is called the assurance of knowledge ; and it is said, that the candidate knows from the beginning of his entering Sūfīism assuredly, that there is no real being or agent except the Lord of the world: that all essences, attributes, and works, are nothing with him (or end with him) ; that every existence is but a ray of light from him, and every attribute an emanation of those which in him are absolute ; so that wherever he finds knowledge, power, will, the faculties of hearing or of sight, he recognizes the vestiges of that assurance, power, will, faculty, and the like, which centre in the divinity. The third stage is thus described : [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] “ The oneness of state is that, by which an union of state must be a character of the person to be united (with the Deity), and in this all the black characters of human existence, excepting the small part still remaining (i. e. I suppose those to be abolished by still further approximations) are to vanish and be lost in the rising of the light of the divine unity ; and the light of the divine oneness is to be enclosed and concealed in the light acquired by this his state, just as the light of the stars is lost in the light of the sun : verse, When the bright morn renews its fires, Every twinkling star expires. And, at this stage, the essence of the person thus united, witnessing the essential beauty of the only one, becomes so overwhelmed in the very ALL IN ALL, that nothing but HIS being and attributes meet his perception, or call forth his testimony, (and this) to such a degree, that he considers this oneness as an attribute of the ONLY ONE, and not of self. This very perception too he believes to be one of HIS attributes: and his existence, thus given up to the agitations of the waves of the sea of unity, falls away, and becomes overwhelmed in the ALL IN ALL. The last stage is thus described. [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] “ As to the Divine Unity, it is that property by which the True Object of worship has been characterized and described from all eternity, as contained within himself and without union with any other, viz. ‘ God was, and with him did nothing exist.’ So even now, by his eternal attributes, he is ONE and ALONE, or (in other words) even as he, so shall he for ever be.” The following extract will shew what powers and privileges those are supposed to possess, who arrive at the state of saintship here mentioned. [image: image] [image: image] [image: image] “ On the different classes of the Awlia or Saints. The Lord who is the object of worship has, in the revelation, made the proof of Mohammed’s mission permanent ; and to shew this have the saints been constituted, and that this proof should be constantly apparent. These he has in the Scripture appointed to be Lords of the World, so that they are set apart entirely for his service, and for following up the requirements of the soul. It is to bless their tracks that the rains of heaven descend, and to purify their state that the herbs of the earth spring up ; and it is from their care, that the Moslems obtain victory over idolaters. Now these, which are invisible, are four thousand ; of each other they know nothing, nor are they aware of the dignity of their own state. In every case, too, they are concealed from one another and from mortals. To this effect have relations been given, and to the same have various saints spoken ; and for this, to the praise of God, have sages instructed. But of those who have this powder of loosing and binding, and are officers of the court of the true God, there are three hundred whom they style AKHYAR . Forty others of them they call ABDAL , seven others ABRAR , four others AWTAD , three others NOKABA , and one whom they name KOTE and GHAUTH.... The author of the Falūhāti Mecca, chap. 198, sect. 31, calls the seven-stated men ABDAL, and goes on to shew, that the Almighty has made the earth consisting of seven climates, and that seven of his choice servants he has named ABDAL ; and, further, that he takes care of these climates by one or other of these seven persons. He has also stated, that he met them all in the temple at Mecca ; that he saluted them, and they returned the salute ; and conversed with them, and that he never witnessed any thing more excellent or more devoted to God’s service.” From what lias here been said, I think there cannot remain the least doubt, that the mysteries of Sūfīism are those of Heathenism. These matured saints agree so perfectly with the Daimones [image: image] of the Greeks, the Boodhas of the Boodhists, the inferior deities of the Hindoos, the angels of the ancient Persians and Chaldeans, and the Powers ([image: image] &c.) of the ancient heretics, that it is scarcely possible, they can have any other than a common origin. The same, perhaps, may be said of the Druzes on Mount Libanus, who worship one of the Sultans of Egypt as their favourite Avatar. And generally, it is impossible to read the works of Irenæus and Epiphanius on the heresies, with the accounts given of Sūfīism by the Arabs and Persians, without being convinced that Gnosticism and Sūfīism present one and the same thing, a mere continuation of the idolatry of Chaldee and Egypt, wrapt up just as that was, in the scarcely intelligible jargon of a wretched philosophy ; and I may perhaps here remark, that wherever a similar mysticism presents itself, we are to look for its origin in the same source. CHAPTER VII. Idhaj—El Lūr—Ushturkān—Fairūzān—Tashnīa Fīrūz—Shīrāz—Kalīl—Yezd Khās—Majd Oddīn, founder of the College El Majdīa—Mohammed Khudā Banda becomes a Sunnī—Abu Is-hāk—His liberality—Abu Abd Allah Khafīf, the first Mohammedan who went from India to Ceylon—Kāzerūn—El Zaidain—El Hawaiza—Kūfa. I THEN travelled for three days over high mountains, and found in every stage, in these countries, a cell with food for the accommodation of travellers. I then came to the city of oIdhaj,1 which belongs to the pSultan Atābek Afrāsiāb.2 With these people the word Atabek means any one governing a district. The country is called qEl Lūr.3 It abounds with high mountains and has roads cut in the rocks. The extent in length is seventeen days journey ; in breadth ten. Its king sends presents to the king of Irāk, and sometimes comes to see him. In every one of the stations in this country, there are cells provided for the religious, enquirers, and travellers : and, for every one who arrives, there are bread, flesh, and sweetmeats : I travelled for ten days in this country over high mountains, with ten other religious, one of whom was a priest, another a moazin (a person who calls the people to prayers), and two professed readers of the koran. The Sultan sent me a present, containing money for travelling expences, both for myself and my companions. Having finished the districts belonging to this king on the tenth day, we entered those of Isphahān, and arrived at the city of rUshtorkān : after this at sFairūzān,4 the name of which had been tTashnīa Fīrūz : and then at Isphahān, one of the cities of Irāk El Ajam. This is a large and handsome city : I remained in it some days. I then set out for uShīrāz, between which and Isphahān there are twenty stations, with the intention of visiting the Sheikh Majd Oddīn, at that place. In my journey, I passed by the towns of xKalīl and yYezd Khās, the latter of which is small, and arrived at Shīrāz. It is an extensive, and well built city, though inferior to Damascus, in the beauty of its streets, gardens, and waters. The inhabitants are people of integrity, religion, and virtue, particularly the women. For my own part, I had no other object than that of visiting the Sheikh Majd Oddīn the paragon of saints and worker of miracles. I came accordingly to the college called sEl Majdīa, which had been founded by him. He was then judge of the city ; but, on account of his age, the duties of the office were discharged by his brother’s sons.5 I waited on him. When he came out, he shewed me great kindness, and, embracing me, asked me about different places : to which I gave suitable answers. I was then taken into his college. The Sheikh is much honoured by the Emīrs of these parts, insomuch, that when they enter his company, they take hold of both their ears, a ceremony of respect paid only to the king. They, therefore, pay him the respect due to their king. The reason of this is, that when the king of Irāk, aMohammed Khudā Banda, received Islamism, he had a favourite of the Rāfiza (followers of Ali), named bJamāl Ibn Mutahhar, who induced him to join the Shīah sect, which he willingly did. The king then wrote to Bagdad, Shīrāz,6 and other places, inviting them to be of this sect. The people of Bagdad and Shīrāz, however, refused to do so, and continued to be of the sect of the Sonnee. He then commanded the judges of these districts to be brought to him : and the first who arrived was this of Shīrāz. The king ordered him to be thrown to some great dogs which he had, and which were kept with chains about their necks, for the purpose of tearing to pieces any one, with whom the Sultan should happen to be angry. When, therefore, the Kāzī Majd Oddīn was thrown to the dogs, they came, and looking upon him, began to wag their tails, making no onset upon him, nor, in any way molesting him. This was told to the Sultan cKhudā Banda, who came running to him in a great fright. He then kissed his hands, and stripping off all his own robes put them upon the Sheikh. He then took him by the hand, and led him to his mansion. This, therefore, became the source of great dignity to the Sheikh, his children, and to all belonging to him : which is the case with every one, upon whom the Sultan puts all his robes. The king then gave up the Shīah sect, and became a Sonnee, and to the Sheikh he gave a hundred villages in the district of Shīrāz. Thus both the king and his courtiers bestowed the greatest honours upon the Sheikh and upon his successors. I also visited this Sheikh after my return from India, in the year 748 of the Hejira (A.D. 1347) ; and, for this purpose, I travelled a distance of five and thirty days. I once saw the Sultan of Shīrāz Abu dIs-hāk holding his ears before him, by way of respect. The Sultan of Shīrāz, on my first arrival at that place, was Mohammed Abu Is-hāk Ibn Shāh Yanjū. He was one of the best of princes. His father Shāh Yanjū was governor of Shīrāz, under the King of Irāk :7 but when he died, the government was put into the hands of another. When, however, the King of Irāk died, and left no issue, each of the governors assumed the government of the district over which he had been placed : and, in this way, the government of Shīrāz, &c. came under th